这种题目是没有任何宏观经济学教养的狂吼。只有没有任何人文素质和教养的经济学学生才写这样的标语口号。
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张维迎写了一新闻炒作的《彻底埋葬凯恩斯主义》。要彻底埋葬凯恩斯?张维迎连一丝一毫的本事也没有。
这种题目是没有任何宏观经济学教养的狂吼。只有没有任何人文素质和教养的经济学学生才写这样的标语口号。
从1936年凯恩斯发表《通论》以来,凯恩斯奠定了现在宏观经济学的科学基础和基本名词概念。无论是赞成凯恩斯,还是反对凯恩斯,我们有了共同讨论的理论框架。弗里德曼的永久收入假说也是建立在修正了的凯恩斯的短期边际消费倾向之上。弗里德曼的货币论也只是纠正凯恩斯对财政政策的过分强调。弗里德曼没有非理性到要去彻底埋葬凯恩斯的消费理论,投资理论,预期理论。。。。。。哈耶克跟凯恩斯斗争了一辈子,他根本没有太多的理论建树和实践理性去实现他埋葬凯恩斯的梦想。1965年,弗里德曼也不得不承认,我们现在都是凯恩斯主义者了。在今天,全世界都在以实践理性救市,救银行,救企业,遑论埋葬凯恩斯!
"We Are All Keynesians Now"
The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.
—The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money
Concluding his most important book with those words in 1935, John Maynard Keynes was confident that he had laid down a philosophy that would move and change men's affairs. Today, some 20 years after his death, his theories are a prime influence on the world's free economies, especially on America's, the richest and most expansionist. In Washington the men who formulate the nation's economic policies have used Keynesian principles not only to avoid the violent cycles of prewar days but to produce a phenomenal economic growth and to achieve remarkably stable prices. In 1965 they skillfully applied Keynes's ideas—together with a number of their own invention—to lift the nation through the fifth, and best, consecutive year of the most sizable, prolonged and widely distributed prosperity in history.
By growing 5% in real terms, the U.S. experienced a sharper expansion than any other major nation. Even the most optimistic forecasts for 1965 turned out to be too low. The gross national product leaped from $628 billion to $672 billion—$14 billion more than the President's economists had expected. Among the other new records: auto production rose 22% , steel production 6% , capital spending 16% , personal income 7% and corporate profits 21%. Figuring that the U.S. had somehow discovered the secret of steady, stable, noninflationary growth, the leaders of many countries on both sides of the Iron Curtain openly tried to emulate its success.
Basically, Washington's economic managers scaled these heights by their adherence to Keynes's central theme: the modern capitalist economy does not automatically work at top efficiency, but can be raised to that level by the intervention and influence of the government. Keynes was the first to demonstrate convincingly that government has not only the ability but the responsibility to use its powers to increase production, incomes and jobs. Moreover, he argued that government can do this without violating freedom or restraining competition. It can, he said, achieve calculated prosperity by manipulating three main tools: tax policy, credit policy and budget policy. Their use would have the effect of strengthening private spending, investment and production.
From Mischief to Orthodoxy. When Keynes first propagated his theories, many people considered them to be bizarre or slightly subversive, and Keynes himself to be little but a left-wing mischief maker. Now Keynes and his ideas, though they still make some people nervous, have been so widely accepted that they constitute both the new orthodoxy in the universities and the touchstone of economic management in Washington. They have led to a greater degree of government involvement in the nation's economy than ever before in time of general peace. Says Budget Director Charles L. Schultze: "We can't prevent every little wiggle in the economic cycle, but we now can prevent a major
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